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Private, Upper Canada Militia 1812-1813 by Eric
Manders Background:
I
am sorry to be obliged to inform you … that I have not as yet been able
(after taking much pains) to get a proper account of the arms that were
sent to this County … I thought the arms would be much better in use and
keep in better order than to let them lie in the Boxes and rust … the
remaining arms that have not been destroyed by fire and otherwise I shall
find in the hands of some old soldiers and believe in good order in the
First Regiment, and shall use every exertion to obtain the arms and pursue
His Honor’s directions and commands.[4]
Still,
regiments such as these were relatively fortunate, as many of the units in
the sparsely populated regions such as the Western District along the
Detroit Frontier were almost entirely without arms to begin with.
As late as December 1812 Colonel the Honourable James Baby of the
1st Kent Militia reported that most of the arms intended for his troops
had never been issued, having been placed in storage for safekeeping at
Fort Amherstburg before the war: “I
have made the necessary inquiry to ascertain whether any arms had been
issued to the militia of the County of Kent and find that none have ever
been issued … one hundred stands were sent to Amherstburg with
directions to me to call for them if occasion required; I thought it safe
to leave them in His Majesty’s Stores, therefore none were issued.”[5] Similarly,
the commanding officer of the 1st Oxford Militia wrote to Shaw in February
1812, “I have not noticed their arms &c. and have only to report
that they are badly provided for not much over one third of them are
receipt of sufficient arms and other Empliments [sic]
for actual service.…”[6]
The response to Shaw’s call for returns of arms and accoutrements
was ultimately erratic. Not
every regiment appears to have submitted a return, while those that did
reach the Adjutant-General came in a myriad of configurations and levels
of detail, as the format of militia paperwork was loosely regulated at the
time. Combined with receipts
of arms issued during the summer and autumn of 1812 these do, however,
provide a unique insight into the types and condition of arms and
accoutrements available to the Upper Canada Militia during the early
stages of the war. Sample Returns &
Condition Reports: ‘Return of Arms and
Accoutrements of the 1st Regiment Glengarry Militia,’ 21 February 1812:[7]
*
Except a few swivels, & all the slings wanting. ‘Return
of Armes [sic] collected from
the Militia in the County of Stormont by the Adjutant-General’s Orders
dated the 29th November 1811,’ 1 February 1812:[8] Muskets in
good order – 45 ‘Return of Arms heretofore
issued from His Majesty’s Stores to the Militia of the County of
Frontenac, received from the said militia conformably to His Honour the
President’s order of _ November last,’ 8 February 1812:[9]
S =
Serviceable Issued to
1st Regiment Leeds Militia, Kingston, June 1812:[10] Bayonets
Musquet with Scabbards – 86 Issued to
the 1st Prince Edward Militia, Kingston, 22 June 1812:[11] English Arms
and Appointments ‘A
Return of Arms Accoutrements and Ammunition Received and Issued to the
First Regiment of the Prince Edward Militia,’ 13 January 1813:[12]
NB: 24 scabbards deficient in the 150 Stands of
Arms received by order of Col. Vincent.
A number of the old arms want bayonets scabbards cartouche boxes
straps and frogs all without slings – and five of them fit for service. Issued to
1st Regiment Lennox Militia, Kingston, 18 June 1812:[13] English Arms
& Appointments ‘Return of Arms and
Accoutrements Collected within the limits of the First Regiment of Militia
County of Lincoln Province of Upper Canada,’ 1 January 1812:[14]
S = Serviceable ‘Return and State of the
Arms collected from the 3rd Regiment of Militia of the County of
Lincoln,’ 21 December 1811:[15]
Return
of 2nd Essex Militia, 23 January 1812:[16]
As can be
seen, many of these weapons and their associated accoutrements were
damaged, unserviceable or otherwise incomplete due to age, neglect, or
both. In several cases the
majority of a regiment’s equipment might be in this state, as testified
by the commanding officer of the 1st Dundas Militia: I
transmit to you [Shaw] a return of the arms and accoutrements collected
from the several companies under my command and am sorry to say a number
are out of repair viz. 69 muskets out of which there are but 40 fit for
service; 53 bayonets rusty, 54 cartridge boxes chief part rustey [sic], and useless. NB:
Very few belts to the muskets and no straps to the cartridge boxes
and bayonets.[17] Other
commanders were more vocal in condemning the shoddy condition of their
regiments’ equipment, such as Colonel William Johnston of the 1st
Addington Militia, who reported to Shaw that his “muskets differ in
their conditions and will require more or less repair they are by no means
fit to be employed on actual service,” while their “bayonets [were]
rusty and articles of the stands made of leather much impaired.”
[18]
Such grim reports no doubt proved worrisome to colonial officials
as Upper Canada prepared for war throughout the spring of 1812. Analysis: British
18-round cartridge box, 1727-1820, available from Access Heritage Inc (formerly The Discriminating General). According
to the varied reports submitted to the Adjutant-General of Militia during
late 1811 and early 1812, most regiments were in possession of shoddy,
outmoded weapons and accoutrements. In
some cases, the antiquity of these items was noted in the returns.
Writing to Shaw in early February 1812, Major Joseph Ryerson of the
1st Norfolk Militia indicated that the arms held by his regiment were
“sent up in General Simcoe’s time” two decades previously.[19]
Likewise, Colonel James Baby’s report that those of the 1st Kent
Militia had been distributed subsequently “during the administration of
the late Mr. President Russell” (president and acting administrator of
Upper Canada 1796-1799) suggests a similar vintage.[20]
British
Land Pattern bayonet and scabbard of the style commonly issued as part of
a ‘Stand of Arms’ during the eighteenth century, available from Access Heritage Inc (formerly The Discriminating General).
With regards
to accoutrements, it is clear that Upper Canadian militia regiments were
issued with one or two forms: either cartridge pouches or boxes.
Under the British military nomenclature of the period a “pouch”
was a stiff, flapped leather container worn on the right hip and slung
from a shoulder belt, whereas “boxes” were smaller, simpler articles
usually worn on the abdomen – popularly referred to today as a “belly
box.”[21]
The latter, consisting of a simple wooden block drilled with holes
for 18 rounds were issued along with their associated black leather
waistbelt and bayonet frog as part of the “Stand of Arms” issued by
the British Government to recruits throughout the eighteenth century.[22]
Cheap and easy to manufacture, thousands of these sets were sent to
North America to equip the Loyalist forces during the American War of
Independence (including those raised in Canada) and subsequently, and thus
would have been readily available from military depots in British North
America at the time of the War of 1812.[23]
Indeed, new sets of these
accoutrements continued to be sent to Canada to meet the demands of the
militia as late as the 1790s, and certainly remained in storage at Quebec
into the early 1800s.[24]
Nonetheless, as the wooden boxes and their accoutrements proved
unsatisfactory for prolonged use during the American War of Independence,
they were replaced in 1784 by removable leather-covered tin magazines
(containing 24 rounds) that were affixed to the new shoulder-slung bayonet
belt and worn on the left side.[25]
Mention of the 1st Dundas’ “rustey” boxes (presumably due to
being made of tin) without any means of suspension may suggest some of
these latter were somehow issued to the Upper Canada militia.
[26]
However, documentary evidence from surviving returns either
suggests or specifically states that most units had the archaic wooden
boxes at the beginning of the war.
There is less direct evidence concerning the types of muskets in
use. Most returns (if
providing any detail beyond their general condition) refer to the weapons
simply as “English” muskets rather than denoting the particular model.
In several instances the indicated antiquity of the arms allows for
conjecture; those apparently distributed throughout Upper Canada during
the 1790s were almost certainly Short Land Pattern muskets, the standard
British infantry firearm in North America during the latter stages of the
American War of Independence and early 1790s.[27]
Conversely, the report of several muskets “without Iron
ramrods” in the possession of the Essex Militia may be evidence of
earlier Long Land Patterns of Seven Years War vintage.[28]
Clearly refurbished French-style weapons (manufactured in Britain during
the 1790s and sent to Canada as surplus) were utilised by the Prince
Edward Militia embodied at Kingston, although attempts were made in early
1812 to concentrate these at York, and therefore may have been widely used
by the militia of the surrounding districts.[29]
While the possibility exists that the 4,000 weapons distributed in
Upper Canada during 1807 were predominantly of the newer India Pattern
form adopted for mass-production in 1797, the British Government’s
policy of issuing older weapons first (especially amid plentiful stocks
left over from the previous American war) renders this unlikely.[30]
French
Model 1777 Musket (Year IX Variant), available from Access Heritage Inc (formerly The Discriminating General). Versions of this
musket (with only minor differences) manufactured in Britain during the
1790s were issued to several Upper Canadian Militia units at the beginning
of the War of 1812. Conclusion: By
mid-August 1812 10,000 stands of (presumably newer) arms were en route
from Britain, although the Upper Canadian regiments had to make do with
their older equipment for the immediate future as hostilities commenced.[31]
For example, towards late May Lieutenant-Colonel McMillan of the
1st Glengarry Militia informed Adjutant-General Shaw that he had been
unable to exchange his regiment’s worn out arms at Kingston owing to the
poor condition of the roads.[32]
Indeed, several units continued to use their antiquated arms and
accoutrements well into the following year for lack of replacements; in
the 1st Prince Edward Militia the old belly boxes and muskets issued from
Kingston during the summer and autumn of 1812 continued in use well into
the spring of 1813.[33]
So too did those distributed in the Niagara District, several
hundred sets of which were issued or otherwise stored ready for use at
various posts along the frontier by the Lincoln and Norfolk Militia.[34]
Thus armed and equipped, many Upper Canadians helped to thwart the
initial invasions of the province carrying arms and accoutrements that
frequently had last seen service during the previous American War. [1] W. Gray, Soldiers
of the King: the Upper Canadian Militia 1812-1815 (Erin, ON,
1995), p. 27. [2] G.
Sheppard, Plunder, Profit and
Paroles (Montreal, 1994), p. 46; J.M. Hitsman (D. Graves ed.), The
Incredible War of 1812 (Toronto, 1999), p. 19. [3] Anderson to
Shaw, Cornwall, 1 February 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Stormont
(1812) folio. [4]
Brackenridge to Shaw, Elizabethtown, 19 May 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol.
2, Leeds (1812) folio. [5] J. Baby to
Shaw, Sandwich, 20 December 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Kent (1812)
folio. [6] Mallory to
Shaw, York, 18 February 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Oxford (1812)
folio. [7] ‘Return
of Arms and Accoutrements of the 1st Regiment Glengarry
Militia,’ Lancaster, 21 February 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2,
Glengarry (1812) folio. [8] ‘Return
of Armes [sic] Collected
from the Militia in the County of Stormont by the Adjutant-General’s
orders dated the 29th November 1811,’ Cornwall, 1
February 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Stormont (1812) folio. [9] “Return
of Arms heretofore issued from His Majesty’s Stores to the Militia
of the County of Frontenac, received from the said militia conformably
to His Honour the President’s order of _ November last” Kingston,
8 February 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Frontenac (1812) folio. [10] Macpherson
to O’Brien, Kingston, June 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Leeds (1812)
folio. [11] Macpherson
to O’Brien, Kingston, 22 June 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Prince
Edward (1812) folio. [12] ‘A Return
of Arms Accoutrements and Ammunition Received and Issued to the First
Regiment of the Prince Edward Militia [illegible] 24 Dec[ember]
1813,’ LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Prince Edward (1813) folio. [13] Macpherson
to O’Brien, Kingston, 18 June 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Lennox
(1812) folio. [14] ‘Return
of Arms and Accoutrements Collected within the limits of the First
Regiment of Militia County of Lincoln Province of Upper Canada,’
Niagara, 1 January 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Lincoln (1812) folio. [15] ‘Return
and State of the Arms collected from the 3rd Regiment of
Militia of the County of Lincoln,’ Fort Erie, 21 December 1811, LAC,
RG 9 IB1, vol. 1, Lincoln (1811) folio. [16] J.B. Baby
to Shaw, Sandwich, 23 January 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Essex
(1812) folio. [17] McDonell to
Shaw, Matilda, 28 January 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Dundas (1812)
folio. [18] Johnston to
Shaw, Ernestown, 16 March 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Addington
(1812) folio. [19] Ryerson to
Shaw, Charlotteville, 1 February 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Norfolk
(1812) folio. [20] J. Baby to
Shaw, Sandwich, 20 December 1812, ibid. [21] H.
Strachan, British Military
Uniforms 1768-96 (London, 1975). p. 155.
In his 1768 treatise A
System for the Compleat Interior Management and Oeconomy of a
Battalion of Infantry, Captain Bennett Cuthberson suggests the box
“be made as light as possible … to buckle around the waist.” [22] R.R. Gale, A
Soldier-Like Way: the Material Culture of the British Infantry
1751-1768 (Elk River, MN, 2007), p. 2.
[23] D. Troiani,
Don Troiani’s Soldiers of the
American Revolution (Mechanicsburg, PA, 2007), p. 4; see also R.
Chartrand, American Loyalist
Troops 1775-84 (London, 2008). [24] ‘Return
of Accoutrements for the Royal Canadian Volunteers and Canadian
Militia remaining in Store at Quebec,’ Quebec, 2 October 1801, LAC,
RG 8 I, vol. 703, p. 11. This
return lists over 800 sets of basic accoutrements (distinct from the
crossbelts and pouches issued to the colonial regulars) in storage at
Quebec that were sent out in 1796 as part of a shipment intended at
the time for a force of embodied Lower Canadian Militia. vol. C703,
11, RG 8 I, LAC. [25] Strachan, British
Military Uniforms, p. 193, citing Adjutant-General to Secretary at
War, 5 July 1784, National Archives of the United Kingdom, War Office
26/32, Miscellany Book, pp. 295-8. [26] McDonell to
Shaw, Matilda, 28 January 1812, ibid. [27] A. Darling,
Red Coat and Brown Bess
(Bloomfield, ON, 1971), pp. 39-40; B. Ahearn, Muskets
of the American Revolution and the French and Indian Wars
(Lincoln, RI, 2007), pp. 54-69. [28] McDonell to
Shaw, Matilda, 28 January 1812, ibid. [29] Gray, Soldiers
of the King, p. 32. These
weapons were manufactured for the numerous French émigré units
raised in Britain during the French Revolutionary Wars (1793-1802),
but were subsequently shipped to Canada to arm the militia.
They differed from the standard French Model 1777 muskets
solely by having steel (rather than brass) flash pans, and British
markings on the components. I
am obliged to Robert Henderson for details concerning their provenance
and design. [30] Ahearn, Muskets
of the American Revolution, p. 36.
This policy frequently resulted in the issue of obsolete
weapons to local forces serving in the colonies throughout the
eighteenth century in attempt to use up old stocks deemed otherwise
unfit for the regular troops. [31] Hitsman, The
Incredible War of 1812, p. 63. [32] McMillan to
Shaw, Lancaster, 27 May 1812, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Glengarry (1812)
folio. [33] ‘A Return
of Arms Accoutrements and Ammunition received and Issued to the First
Regiment of the Prince Edward Militia,’ Kingston, 24 March 1813,
LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Prince Edward (1813) folio. [34] ‘Return
of Arms and Accoutrements now in the Possession of the Militia doing
duty on this Frontier and in Store for their Use,’ Fort George, 1
February 1813, LAC, RG 9 IB1, vol. 2, Miscellaneous (1813) folio.
Copyright: Access Heritage Inc (formerly The Discriminating General) 2008
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